Beyond trafficking, another dangerous trend is emerging, Assam is no longer just a transit point; it is becoming a consumption hub
Assam’s war on drugs has all the optics of a relentless crackdown, daily seizures, frequent arrests, dramatic police operations. Yet beneath that surface lies a far more troubling reality. Despite years of aggressive enforcement, thousands of arrests and narcotics worth crores being seized, the drug trade continues to thrive. The uncomfortable truth is this: Assam’s war on drugs is not being lost in dramatic fashion; it is being slowly, structurally defeated.
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Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma recently made an impassioned appeal in the Assembly, urging all political parties to support the government’s anti-drug campaign. He expressed frustration that while lawmakers publicly pledge support for the fight against drugs, they often question police action when that action turns “tough”. His remark reflects a deeper contradiction within the system, one that exposes both political hesitation and institutional weakness. “All members in the House have today pledged cooperation in the fight against drugs. But when police take tough action against the criminals, questions are raised in this very Assembly,” he said.
The statement may resonate politically, but it does little to answer the central question: why, despite years of “tough action”, do drugs continue to flow into Assam with such ease?
Since 2021, when the current government intensified its anti-drug campaign, the numbers have been staggering. More than 20,000 cases have been registered, over 26,000 people arrested, and narcotics worth over ₹3,200 crore seized. On paper, it appears to be a story of sustained success. In reality, however, the numbers are deceptive. They reflect activity, not impact.
A closer look reveals a grim and familiar cycle; arrest, bail and re-entry. Many of those picked up over the years are repeat offenders who return to the trade shortly after release. Between 2021 and 2025, Assam witnessed hundreds of police operations, with fatalities and injuries adding to the intensity of the campaign. Yet, despite this aggressive approach, there is little evidence of any lasting disruption in the supply chain. Instead, the system appears trapped in a loop, repeatedly chasing the same low-level operatives.
A senior security official, speaking anonymously, put it bluntly: “Drug lords will never be out of the system.”
That single line exposes the biggest flaw in Assam’s anti-drug strategy. The crackdown overwhelmingly targets small-time peddlers and couriers, the most visible and most expendable links in the chain while the real masterminds remain untouched. These kingpins operate from the shadows, often outside the state and sometimes beyond national borders, orchestrating a trade that is both highly organised and deeply entrenched.
Daily seizures of small quantities; five or ten grams in districts such as Kamrup, Barpeta and Dhubri are routinely projected as signs of success. In reality, they are often little more than distractions. They create the appearance of control while the larger network continues to function uninterrupted. Even major seizures, impressive as they may appear, have failed to inflict any lasting damage on the system. In 2024 alone, Assam Police seized 174 kg of heroin, more than 21,000 kg of ganja, 33 lakh psychotropic tablets and other narcotics worth hundreds of crores. Yet the flow has not slowed in any meaningful way.
The reason is simple: the supply chain remains intact.
Assam’s geography makes it uniquely vulnerable. Positioned at the crossroads of multiple international and interstate trafficking routes, the state has become a critical transit hub for narcotics moving across the Northeast. Nearly every major consignment passing through the region touches Assam at some stage. As one security source admitted, “In all cases, smugglers have to touch Assam to transport consignments anywhere.” This is not merely a logistical reality; it is a structural vulnerability.
The Myanmar connection remains central to the crisis. Drugs originating in the Golden Triangle enter India through Manipur and Mizoram before making their way into Assam. From Moreh and Zorinpui, consignments travel through a complex network of routes, via Imphal, Silchar, Shillong and eventually Guwahati. Smugglers have become adept at bypassing checkpoints, often avoiding known surveillance zones such as Khanapara by using alternative routes through Meghalaya.
Bangladesh remains another critical corridor. Historical smuggling routes through Kurigram, Golakganj and Mankachar continue to feed the network. Bhutan, too, forms part of the chain, with narcotics moving from Assam into its territory through established routes. Interstate connections further complicate enforcement, linking Assam with West Bengal, Nagaland and Meghalaya through highways, forest corridors and remote transit points.
The scale and sophistication of this network far exceed the capacity of routine policing.
An IPS officer has acknowledged that despite intensified enforcement, illegal cross-border smuggling is on the rise. The problem is compounded by porous borders and inadequate manpower. In some stretches along the Indo-Bangladesh border, a handful of personnel are expected to monitor vast areas. Along the Indo-Myanmar border, large unfenced regions make surveillance nearly impossible. These are not minor gaps in the system. They are structural weaknesses that traffickers exploit with ease.
Even when agencies manage to intercept consignments, another bottleneck emerges, delays in forensic analysis. More than 1,500 cases are reportedly pending forensic examination, allowing accused persons to secure bail because of the absence of timely evidence. This is not merely a legal loophole; it reflects a serious breakdown in the investigative chain. Without swift forensic support, even significant arrests lose much of their impact.
A retired IPS officer admitted that while many raids are intelligence-driven, large-scale operations often go undetected. That points to a troubling imbalance, tactical efficiency without strategic depth.
Meanwhile, traffickers continue to innovate. Vehicles fitted with hidden compartments, narcotics concealed inside truck bumpers, constantly shifting routes, these are no longer exceptional tactics but standard practice. Law enforcement reacts; traffickers adapt. The result is a perpetual game of catch-up in which the advantage consistently lies with the smugglers.
Beyond trafficking, however, another dangerous trend is emerging, Assam is no longer just a transit point; it is becoming a consumption hub.
Guwahati, in particular, has witnessed a rise in drug demand. Areas such as Ulubari, Hatigaon, Fatasil Ambari, Bhootnath, Six Mile and Jyotikuchi have come under increased surveillance, indicating the spread of local activity. The growing number of peddlers being arrested across the city points to an expanding retail network. Yet even this reveals only the visible layer of the problem.
A senior police source revealed that high-end drug consumption in resorts, discos and bars often goes undetected. These spaces operate outside the typical enforcement radar, catering to a different class of users and ensuring that the demand side of the drug economy remains robust and largely unchallenged.
This shift, from transit point to consumption hub is a critical turning point. It means Assam is no longer merely facilitating the drug trade; it is now becoming deeply embedded within it.
At its core, the drug crisis in Assam is not merely a law-and-order problem. It is also a socio-economic one. In neighbouring Manipur, widespread unemployment has driven many towards poppy cultivation and trafficking as a means of survival. Without viable economic alternatives, the supply chain continuously regenerates itself. Arrests do not eliminate the problem; they simply create vacancies.
That is why the war appears endless.
Because it is being fought at the wrong level.
The focus remains on seizures and arrests; visible, measurable actions that create the impression of progress. But the deeper issues, border management, economic distress, intelligence coordination and judicial delays, remain inadequately addressed. Until these structural gaps are closed, the drug trade will continue to adapt, evolve and expand.
The current approach is reactive, not preventive. It targets symptoms, not causes.
And so the cycle continues.
More raids. More arrests. More seizures. More headlines.
But no real change.
The danger now is no longer confined to law enforcement statistics. It is societal. With increasing availability and growing demand, Assam risks losing an entire generation to addiction. The consequences will not be measured only in crime figures, but in broken families, lost productivity and a deeply damaged social fabric.
Assam’s war on drugs is not failing because of a lack of effort. It is failing because of a flawed strategy.
Until the focus shifts from optics to outcomes, from enforcement to systemic reform, and from short-term victories to long-term solutions, this war will remain exactly what it is today, loud, relentless and ultimately ineffective.
An endless war with no end in sight.